Capitol building, and told the crowd they “have some fight,” though he has denied any involvement with the attack. Key BackgroundĬawthorn was among the speakers at the rally that immediately preceded the January 6 storming of the U.S. The voters targeting Cawthorn told the Times they’re “definitely” going to file similar challenges against other candidates in North Carolina, which the publication reports could include trying to keep former President Donald Trump off the battleground state’s ballot if he runs in 2024. If he’s successfully kept off the ballot, voters in other states could have an easier time arguing other lawmakers should follow suit. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) or Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.). The Times notes North Carolina’s statute putting the burden on the candidate to prove their innocence makes it easier to challenge Cawthorn than far-right politicians in other states, such as Reps. Whether Cawthorn’s challenge could have ramifications for other Republican politicians who participated in or supported the January 6 riot. Cawthorn has already filed to be a candidate in the midterm elections, which means he will remain on the ballot unless the board of elections rules otherwise, Patrick Gannon, the board’s public information director, told Forbes Tuesday. If the maps are finalized and the federal court allows the challenge against Cawthorn to proceed, the challenge would be heard first by a board of elections at the county level, and then could be appealed to the state election board to determine Cawthorn’s candidacy. The election board has said it won’t consider any challenge until after North Carolina finalizes its new congressional maps, which the state’s Supreme Court is holding a hearing for on Wednesday. “It only seems to be difficult for Madison Cawthorn.” What To Watch For Wallace, one of the attorneys behind the Cawthorn challenge, told the Times. That has been a real black eye on his constituency service operation.“It should not be difficult to prove you are not an insurrectionist,” election law expert John R. “We’re talking hours, plural, to get to an office for many of his constituents. It’s not easy to hop on a train and get across town,” says Cooper. His constituents found him hard to reach some of his district offices were often closed, requiring voters in his sprawling, mountainous district to travel far to get help. Zero of the 37 bills he introduced in the 117th Congress passed the House only six of the 342 bills he co-sponsored became law. But shortly after he took office, he wrote a memo to Republican colleagues- which TIME obtained-saying he had built his congressional staff around “comms rather than legislation.” In other words, Cawthorn wanted to be a megaphone for the right, not a policymaker for it. It was all of those things playing out against the backdrop of Cawthorn’s lack of policy successes and constituent services in Congress.Īfter his 2020 election, Cawthorn boasted that he had big legislative plans to work across the aisle, bring down healthcare costs, and improve rural broadband. Ultimately, experts say, it wasn’t just the district flip-flopping, misdemeanors, or lewd acts caught on camera that cost Cawthorn his seat.
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